English Peasants' Revolt

The Peasants' Revolt of 1381 was the most dramatic popular uprising in medieval English history and one of the most consequential in European history, not for what it achieved immediately but for what it irreversibly demonstrated: that the social order the Black Death had shaken could not simply be reimposed. The immediate trigger was the third poll tax in four years — a flat-rate levy of one shilling per adult, regardless of wealth — introduced in 1380 to fund the disastrous wars with France. It was spectacularly regressive: a duke paid the same as a labourer. When royal commissioners arrived in Essex to hunt down those who had evaded payment, a tax collector was attacked and the revolt began. The uprising was not a spontaneous eruption of mindless fury but a politically sophisticated movement with clear demands. The rebels of Essex and Kent marched separately on London, communicating and coordinating as they went. The Kent rebels, under Wat Tyler and the radical priest John Ball — whose famous question 'When Adam delved and Eve span, who was then the gentleman?' was a pointed theological attack on the legitimacy of inherited status — numbered perhaps 60,000 by the time they reached Blackheath. The Archbishop of Canterbury's manor was burned; the Savoy Palace of the hated chancellor John of Gaunt was systematically demolished (the rebels pointedly did not loot it). The Peasants' Revolt was not simple criminality but ideological action. King Richard II, aged fourteen, met the rebels at Mile End and at Smithfield with remarkable personal courage. At Mile End he granted their central demands: abolition of serfdom, freedom to buy and sell labour at will, a fixed rent of fourpence per acre, and a general pardon. The rebels accepted these terms. But at the second meeting at Smithfield, Wat Tyler was killed — stabbed by the Lord Mayor of London in a confused confrontation — and Richard, in extraordinary improvisation, rode forward to the leaderless crowd calling himself their captain and leader, and gradually dispersed them. The aftermath was brutal repression. The concessions Richard had granted were immediately revoked: Parliament declared them null on the grounds that they had been extorted by duress. John Ball was hanged, drawn, and quartered. Some 1,500 rebels were executed across the affected counties. Yet serfdom did not recover. The economic reality that the Black Death had created — labour was scarce, workers had alternatives, lords who pushed too hard simply found their fields empty — reasserted itself relentlessly. By 1400, villeinage (serfdom) was effectively extinct in most of England, driven not by any legislative act but by market forces the revolt both expressed and accelerated. John Wycliffe's influence hovered over the revolt. His insistence that Church property was illegitimate, that Scripture was the sole authority, and that all Christians stood equal before God had filtered into popular religious culture and given Ball and other rebel preachers their theological vocabulary. The revolt thus connected directly to the Lollard movement that Wycliffe had generated and to the broader crisis of Church authority that the Black Death had deepened. The line from 1381 to the Reformation is not straight, but it is traceable.

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